Thursday, October 19, 2006

Renungan Ampunan Allah swt.

· Kita mengharapkan ampunan dari Allah karena kita berpuasa selama 1 bulan

· Kita selalu harapkan “hak” kita sebagai hamba yaitu ampunan atas dosa kita

· Bagaimana dengan “hak Allah” – kita seharusnya beribadah dengan baik, tinggalkan maksiat, syirik, pembunuhan, korupsi, pencurian, pembohongan, dsb.

· Apakah kita pantas diampuni? Aceh: tsunami, Yogya: gempa, Pangandaran: Tsunami, Sidoarjo: Lumpur. Apa lagi yang belum muncul??

· Ujian Allah pasti berat. Apakah usaha kita untuk menjadi hamba yang beriman sudah cukup supaya kita “berhak” mendapatkan ampunan Allah?

· Ampunan Allah swt. lebih besar daripada murka-Nya, tetapi apakah kita mensyukuri kenyataan itu dengan berusaha sebaik mungkin untuk menjadi ummat teledan di dunia ini?

DO'A MALAIKAT JIBRIL MENJELANG RAMADHAN "

"Ya Allah tolong abaikan puasa ummat Muhammad, apabila sebelum memasuki bulan Ramadhan dia tidak melakukan hal-hal yang berikut:

* Tidak memohon maaf terlebih dahulu kepada kedua orang tuanya (jika masih ada);

* Tidak berma'afan terlebih dahulu antara suami istri;

* Tidak berma'afan terlebih dahulu dengan orang-orang sekitarnya.

Maka Rasulullah pun mengatakan Amiin sebanyak 3 kali.

PUASA DI RAMADHAN HAPUS DOSA

“Barangsiapa yang berpuasa di bulan Ramadhan dengan keimanan dan keikhlasan maka diampuni dosa-dosa yang terdahulu”.

(Sahih Bukhari)

TIDAK ADA DOSA BILA TIDAK SENGAJA

Dan tidak ada dosa atasmu terhadap apa yang kamu khilaf [tidak sengaja] padanya, tetapi (yang ada dosanya) apa yang disengaja oleh hatimu.

(Suran Al-Ahzab, QS. 33:5).

MANUSIA YANG BERIMAN PASTI AKAN DIUJI

[29.2] Apakah manusia itu mengira bahwa mereka dibiarkan (saja) mengatakan: "Kami telah beriman", sedang mereka tidak diuji lagi?

[29.3] Dan sesungguhnya Kami telah menguji orang-orang yang sebelum mereka, maka sesungguhnya Allah mengetahui orang-orang yang benar dan sesungguhnya Dia mengetahui orang-orang yang dusta.

(Surah Al Ankabuut QS. 29: 2-3)

DIBUKA PINTU SORGA, SETAN DIBELENGGU

Hadis riwayat Abu Hurairah Bahwa Rasulullah saw. bersabda: Apabila tiba bulan Ramadan, maka dibukalah pintu-pintu surga, ditutuplah pintu neraka dan setan-setan dibelenggu – (Sahih Muslim No. 1793)

PINTU SORGA KHUSUS ORANG YANG PUASA

Hadis riwayat Sahal bin Saad ra., ia berkata: Rasulullah saw. bersabda: Sesungguhnya di dalam surga itu terdapat pintu yang bernama Rayyan. Orang-orang yang berpuasa akan masuk lewat pintu itu pada hari kiamat. Tidak ada orang selain mereka yang masuk bersama mereka. Ditanyakan: Di mana orang-orang yang puasa? Kemudian mereka masuk lewat pintu tersebut dan ketika orang yang terakhir dari mereka sudah masuk, maka pintu itu ditutup kembali dan tidak ada orang yang akan masuk lewat pintu itu.

(Sahih Muslim No. 1947)

KASIH SAYANG ALLAH LEBIH BESAR DARI MURKA-NYA

Hadis riwayat Abu Hurairah ra.: Bahwa Nabi saw. bersabda: Tatkala Allah menciptakan makhluk, Allah telah menuliskan dalam kitab catatan-Nya yang berada di sisi-Nya di atas arsy bahwa sesungguhnya kasih sayang-Ku mengalahkan murka-Ku

(Sahih Muslim No. 4939)

Friday, October 13, 2006

Tujuh Indikator Kebahagiaan Dunia

Ibnu Abbas ra. adalah salah seorang sahabat Nabi SAW yang sangat telaten dalam menjaga dan melayani Rasulullah SAW, dimana ia pernah secara khusus didoakan Rasulullah SAW, selain itu pada usia 9 tahun Ibnu Abbas telah hafal Al-Quran dan telah menjadi imam di mesjid. Suatu hari ia ditanya oleh para Tabi'in (generasi sesudah wafatnya Rasulullah SAW) mengenai apa yang dimaksud dengan kebahagiaan dunia. Jawab Ibnu Abbas ada 7 (tujuh) indikator kebahagiaan dunia, yaitu :

Pertama, Qalbun syakirun atau hati yang selalu bersyukur.

Memiliki jiwa syukur berarti selalu menerima apa adanya (qona'ah), sehingga tidak ada ambisi yang berlebihan, tidak ada stress, inilah nikmat bagi hati yang selalu bersyukur. Seorang yang pandai bersyukur sangatlah cerdas memahami sifat-sifat Allah SWT, sehingga apapun yang diberikan Allah ia malah terpesona dengan pemberian dan keputusan Allah.

Bila sedang kesulitan maka ia segera ingat sabda Rasulullah SAW yaitu :
"Kalau kita sedang sulit perhatikanlah orang yang lebih sulit dari kita". Bila sedang diberi kemudahan, ia bersyukur dengan memperbanyak amal ibadahnya, kemudian Allah pun akan mengujinya dengan kemudahan yang lebih besar lagi. Bila ia tetap "bandel" dengan terus bersyukur maka Allah akan mengujinya lagi dengan kemudahan yang lebih besar lagi.

Maka berbahagialah orang yang pandai bersyukur!

Kedua. Al azwaju shalihah, yaitu pasangan hidup yang sholeh.

Pasangan hidup yang sholeh akan menciptakan suasana rumah dan keluarga yang sholeh pula. Di akhirat kelak seorang suami (sebagai imam keluarga) akan diminta pertanggungjawaban dalam mengajak istri dan anaknya kepada kesholehan. Berbahagialah menjadi seorang istri bila memiliki suami yang sholeh, yang pasti akan bekerja keras untuk mengajak istri dan anaknya menjadi muslim yang sholeh. Demikian pula seorang istri yang sholeh, akan memiliki kesabaran dan keikhlasan yang luar biasa dalam melayani suaminya, walau seberapa buruknya kelakuan suaminya. Maka berbahagialah menjadi seorang suami yang memiliki seorang istri yang sholeh.

Ketiga, al auladun abrar, yaitu anak yang soleh.

Saat Rasulullah SAW lagi thawaf. Rasulullah SAW bertemu dengan seorang anak muda yang pundaknya lecet-lecet. Setelah selesai thawaf Rasulullah SAW bertanya kepada anak muda itu : "Kenapa pundakmu itu ?" Jawab anak muda itu : "Ya Rasulullah, saya dari Yaman, saya mempunyai seorang ibu yang sudah udzur. Saya sangat mencintai dia dan saya tidak pernah melepaskan dia. Saya melepaskan ibu saya hanya ketika buang hajat, ketika sholat, atau ketika istirahat, selain itu sisanya saya selalu menggendongnya". Lalu anak muda itu bertanya: " Ya Rasulullah, apakah aku sudah termasuk kedalam orang yang sudah berbakti kepada orang tua ?"
Nabi SAW sambil memeluk anak muda itu dan mengatakan: "Sungguh Allah ridho kepadamu, kamu anak yang soleh, anak yang berbakti, tapi anakku ketahuilah, cinta orangtuamu tidak akan terbalaskan olehmu". Dari hadist tersebut kita mendapat gambaran bahwa amal ibadah kita ternyata tidak cukup untuk membalas cinta dan kebaikan orang tua kita, namun minimal kita bisa memulainya dengan menjadi anak yang soleh, dimana doa anak yang sholeh kepada orang tuanya dijamin dikabulkan Allah.
Berbahagialah kita bila memiliki anak yang sholeh.

Keempat, albiatu sholihah, yaitu lingkungan yang kondusif untuk iman kita.

Yang dimaksud dengan lingkungan yang kondusif ialah, kita boleh mengenal siapapun tetapi untuk menjadikannya sebagai sahabat karib kita, haruslah orang-orang yang mempunyai nilai tambah terhadap keimanan kita. Dalam sebuah haditsnya, Rasulullah menganjurkan kita untuk selalu bergaul dengan orang-orang yang sholeh. Orang-orang yang sholeh akan selalu mengajak kepada kebaikan dan mengingatkan kita bila kita berbuat salah.

Orang-orang sholeh adalah orang-orang yang bahagia karena nikmat iman dan nikmat Islam yang selalu terpancar pada cahaya wajahnya. Insya Allah cahaya tersebut akan ikut menyinari orang-orang yang ada disekitarnya.

Berbahagialah orang-orang yang selalu dikelilingi oleh orang-orang yang sholeh.

Kelima, al malul halal, atau harta yang halal.

Paradigma dalam Islam mengenai harta bukanlah banyaknya harta tetapi halalnya. Ini tidak berarti Islam tidak menyuruh umatnya untuk kaya.
Dalam riwayat Imam Muslim di dalam bab sadaqoh, Rasulullah SAW pernah bertemu dengan seorang sahabat yang berdoa mengangkat tangan. "Kamu berdoa sudah bagus", kata Nabi SAW, "Namun sayang makanan, minuman dan pakaian dan tempat tinggalnya didapat secara haram, bagaimana doanya dikabulkan". Berbahagialah menjadi orang yang hartanya halal karena doanya sangat mudah dikabulkan Allah. Harta yang halal juga akan menjauhkan setan dari hatinya, maka hatinya semakin bersih, suci dan kokoh, sehingga memberi ketenangan dalam hidupnya. Maka berbahagialah orang-orang yang selalu dengan teliti menjaga kehalalan hartanya.

Keenam , Tafakuh fi dien, atau semangat untuk memahami agama.

Semangat memahami agama diwujudkan dalam semangat memahami ilmu-ilmu agama Islam. Semakin ia belajar, maka semakin ia terangsang untuk belajar lebih jauh lagi ilmu mengenai sifat-sifat Allah dan ciptaan-Nya.

Allah menjanjikan nikmat bagi umat-Nya yang menuntut ilmu, semakin ia belajar semakin cinta ia kepada agamanya, semakin tinggi cintanya kepada Allah dan rasul-Nya. Cinta inilah yang akan memberi cahaya bagi hatinya.

Semangat memahami agama akan meng "hidup" kan hatinya, hati yang "hidup" adalah hati yang selalu dipenuhi cahaya nikmat Islam dan nikmat iman. Maka berbahagialah orang yang penuh semangat memahami ilmu agama Islam.

Ketujuh, yaitu umur yang baroqah.

Umur yang baroqah itu artinya umur yang semakin tua semakin sholeh, yang setiap detiknya diisi dengan amal ibadah. Seseorang yang mengisi hidupnya untuk kebahagiaan dunia semata, maka hari tuanya akan diisi dengan banyak bernostalgia (berangan-angan) tentang masa mudanya, iapun cenderung kecewa dengan ketuaannya (post-power syndrome). Disamping itu pikirannya terfokus pada bagaimana caranya menikmati sisa hidupnya, maka iapun sibuk berangan-angan terhadap kenikmatan dunia yang belum ia sempat rasakan, hatinya kecewa bila ia tidak mampu menikmati kenikmatan yang diangankannya. Sedangkan orang yang mengisi umurnya dengan banyak mempersiapkan diri untuk akhirat (melalui amal ibadah) maka semakin tua semakin rindu ia untuk bertemu dengan Sang Penciptanya. Hari tuanya diisi dengan bermesraan dengan Sang Maha Pengasih. Tidak ada rasa takutnya untuk meninggalkan dunia ini, bahkan ia penuh harap untuk segera merasakan keindahan alam kehidupan berikutnya seperti yang dijanjikan Allah. Inilah semangat "hidup" orang-orang yang baroqah umurnya, maka berbahagialah orang-orang yang umurnya baroqah.

Demikianlah pesan-pesan dari Ibnu Abbas ra. mengenai 7 indikator kebahagiaan dunia.

Bagaimana caranya agar kita dikaruniakan Allah ke tujuh buah indikator kebahagiaan dunia tersebut ? Selain usaha keras kita untuk memperbaiki diri, maka mohonlah kepada Allah SWT dengan sesering dan se-khusyu' mungkin membaca doa `sapu jagat' , yaitu doa yang paling sering dibaca oleh Rasulullah SAW. Dimana baris pertama doa tersebut "Rabbanaa aatina fid dun-yaa hasanaw" (yang artinya "Ya Allah karuniakanlah aku kebahagiaan dunia "), mempunyai makna bahwa kita sedang meminta kepada Allah ke tujuh indikator kebahagiaan dunia yang disebutkan Ibnu Abbas ra, yaitu hati yang selalu syukur, pasangan hidup yang soleh, anak yang soleh, teman-teman atau lingkungan yang soleh, harta yang halal, semangat untuk memahami ajaran agama, dan umur yang baroqah.

Walaupun kita akui sulit mendapatkan ketujuh hal itu ada di dalam genggaman kita, setidak-tidaknya kalau kita mendapat sebagian saja sudah patut kita syukuri.

Sedangkan mengenai kelanjutan doa sapu jagat tersebut yaitu "wa fil aakhirati hasanaw" (yang artinya "dan juga kebahagiaan akhirat"), untuk memperolehnya hanyalah dengan rahmat Allah. Kebahagiaan akhirat itu bukan surga tetapi rahmat Allah, kasih sayang Allah. Surga itu hanyalah sebagian kecil dari rahmat Allah, kita masuk surga bukan karena amal soleh kita, tetapi karena rahmat Allah.

Amal soleh yang kita lakukan sepanjang hidup kita (walau setiap hari puasa dan sholat malam) tidaklah cukup untuk mendapatkan tiket masuk surga. Amal soleh sesempurna apapun yang kita lakukan seumur hidup kita tidaklah sebanding dengan nikmat surga yang dijanjikan Allah.

Kata Nabi SAW, "Amal soleh yang kalian lakukan tidak bisa memasukkan kalian ke surga". Lalu para sahabat bertanya: "Bagaimana dengan Engkau ya Rasulullah ?". Jawab Rasulullah SAW : "Amal soleh saya pun juga tidak cukup". Lalu para sahabat kembali bertanya : "Kalau begitu dengan apa kita masuk surga?". Nabi SAW kembali menjawab : "Kita dapat masuk surga hanya karena rahmat dan kebaikan Allah semata".

Jadi sholat kita, puasa kita, taqarub kita kepada Allah sebenarnya bukan untuk surga tetapi untuk mendapatkan rahmat Allah. Dengan rahmat Allah itulah kita mendapatkan surga Allah (Insya Allah, Amiin).

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Sumber tulisan: ceramah Ustad Aam Aminudin, Lc. di Sapporo, Jepang,
disarikan secara bebas oleh Sdr.
Asep Tata Permana

E-Card dari Sayap Kupu2


Setiap foto adalah sayap kupu2 yang asli. Klik pada foto untuk mendapatkan variasi gambar. Imut sekali.

Petunjuk:

Klik pada E-Cards di tengah Homepage, atau mengikuti link. Ketik pesan anda di kotak, isi formulir dan kirim e-card kepada teman.

Butterfly wing E-cards

http://www.butterflyalphabet.com/main/index.php

Each of the pictures is a real butterfly's wing. You can click on the letters to get variations. So very cute.

Directions:

Click on the E Cards sign in the home page, or open the e-card link. Type your message in the box, fill in the form and email your card.

Cost of Iraq War Nearly $2 Billion a Week

Cost of Iraq War Nearly $2 Billion a Week

Ternyata, perang si Bush menghabiskan 2 milyar dolar per minggu sekarang.

Coba bayangkan kalau pemerintah AS menawarkan 2 milyar dolar setiap minggu kepada rakyat di Iraq, Afghanistan, Lebanon, Palestina, dsb.

Siapa yang akan benci terhadap AS kalau ditawarkan uang terus untuk kepentingan keluarga: bisa bangun sekolah, beli buku buat anak, beli makanan, obat-obatan, dsb.

2 milyar dolar per minggu.

Tetapi AS hanya bersedia menawarkan bom dan peluru.

Sayang sekali.

Uang rakyat AS, yang kebanyakan dari mereka orang baik2 saja yang tidak "membenci" Islam.

Dihabiskan untuk sebuah perang terhadap "teror" yang tidak mungkin bisa dimenangkan. "Terorisme" adalah sebuah tatik militer, dan "teror" adalah sebuah perasaan. Apakah sebuah "taktik" bisa diserang secara militer? Apakah sebuah "perasaan" bisa diserang? Sangat konyol "War on Terror" karena "teror" akan ada di bumi ini sampai akhir zaman. Tidak mungkin bisa dihilangkan.

2 milyar… setiap minggu… untuk menyerang sesuatu yang tidak bisa dihilangkan dengan serangan militer.

Sayang sekali.

Ternyata Bush sudah belajar dari teman-teman kita (para pejabat) di Indonesia.

Kalau ada pilihan antara "proyek" yang mahal dan kesempatan membagikan uang saja, maka "proyek" yang menang.

Uang 2 milyar itu dihabiskan untuk "proyek" pembangunan pangkalan militer dan "proyek" memperbaiki alat-alat (seperti mobil Humvee) yang rusak berat. Semua yang dirusakkan harus diperbaiki. Setiap peluru harus diganti. Setiap bom harus diganti. Proyek jalan terus buat perusahaan yang membuat dan menjual barang2 militer.

Lalu apa bedanya pejabat Indonesia dan pejabat AS?

Jangan mengritik Sutiyoso lagi karena busway yang bikin macet. Mendingan proyek busway daripada "proyek perang".

Hahahahahaha……..

Cost of Iraq War Nearly $2 Billion a Week
By Bryan Bender
The Boston Globe

Thursday 28 September 2006

Washington - A new congressional analysis shows the Iraq war is now costing taxpayers almost $2 billion a week - nearly twice as much as in the first year of the conflict three years ago and 20 percent more than last year - as the Pentagon spends more on establishing regional bases to support the extended deployment and scrambles to fix or replace equipment damaged in combat.

The upsurge occurs as the total cost of military operations at home and abroad since 2001, including the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, will top half a trillion dollars, according to an internal assessment by the nonpartisan Congressional Research Service completed last week.

The spike in operating costs - including a 20 percent increase over last year in Afghanistan, where the mission now costs about $370 million a week - comes even though troop levels in both countries have remained stable. The reports attribute the rising costs in part to a higher pace of fighting in both countries, where insurgents and terrorists have increased their attacks on US and coalition troops and civilians.

Another major factor, however, is "the building of more extensive infrastructure to support troops and equipment in and around Iraq and Afghanistan," according to the report. Based on Defense Department data, the report suggests that the construction of so-called semi-permanent support bases has picked up in recent months, making it increasingly clear that the US military will have a presence in both countries for years to come.

The United States maintains it is not building permanent military bases in Iraq or Afghanistan, where the local population distrusts America's long-term intentions.

But for the first time, a major factor in the growth of war spending is the result of a dramatic rise in "investment costs," or spending needed to sustain a long-term deployment of American troops in the two countries, the report said. These include the additional purchases of protective equipment for troops, such as armored Humvees, radios, and night-vision equipment; new tanks and other equipment to replace battered gear from Army and Marine Corps units that have been deployed numerous times in recent years; and growing repair bills for damaged equipment, what the military calls "reset" costs.

At least one lawmaker, referring to reports of equipment shortages in the war zones and at US bases where troops are training for combat, says some of the spending is misplaced. "While we are spending billions in Iraq to build and maintain massive bases, we cannot [effectively] repair our abused equipment or replace it," US Representative Martin T. Meehan , a Lowell Democrat and member of the House Armed Services Committee, said in a statement.

The Pentagon, which had previously made public its own estimate of operating costs, has not released up-to-date war costs.

The Congressional Research Service report estimates that after Congress approves two pending bills, the total war costs since Sept. 11, 2001, will reach about $509 billion. Of that, $379 billion will cover the cost of operations in Iraq, $97 billion will be the price tag for Afghanistan operations, and $26 billion will have gone to beefed-up security at US military bases around the world.

Though the military's operational costs in Iraq and Afghanistan have gone up despite a level number of US troops, the report attributes a large portion of the increased spending to the military's ongoing preparations to sustain combat operations in the two countries for the foreseeable future.

For example, the report shows that under the category of "procurement," the funds designated for "resetting the force" - replacing or repairing equipment damaged in combat and preparing for long-term fighting - has jumped from $7.2 billion in 2004 to $20.9 billion in 2005, and $22.9 billion this year. Separately, the Army has told Congress that it estimates it will need at least $36 billion more for equipment, while the Marine Corps has reported it needs nearly $12 billion.

Another major war cost is for infrastructure - bases, landing strips, repair shops - for the forces in Iraq and Afghanistan. These "operations and maintenance" costs remained steady at about $40 billion per year in 2003, 2004, and 2005, but have spiked to more than $60 billion this year.

Those factors alone, however, are "not enough to explain" the spiraling increase in operating costs, according to the report.

"You would expect [operating costs] to level off if you have the same level of people," said the report's principal author, Amy Belasco, a national defense specialist at the Congressional Research Service. "You shouldn't have as much cost to fix buildings that were presumably repaired when you got there. It's a bit mysterious."

The Pentagon has not provided Congress with a detailed accounting of all the war funds, making it impossible to conduct a full, independent estimate of how much Americans are spending in Iraq and Afghanistan - or to predict what future costs might be.

"In congressional hearings, the Department of Defense has typically provided estimates of the current or average monthly costs over a period of time for military operations, referred to as the `burn rate,'" the report stated. "While this figure covers some of the costs of war, it excludes the cost of upgrading or replacing military equipment and improving or building facilities overseas, and it does not cover all funds appropriated."

http://www.truthout.org/docs_2006/092806G.shtml

George Bush's War of the Words

This is quite long, but I think it’s worth reading. Gene.

George Bush's War of the Words
By Tom Engelhardt
TomDispatch.com

Monday 09 October 2006

For Homer, those epithets attached to his heroes and gods were undoubtedly mnemonic devices - the fleet-footed Achilles, Poseidon, the Earth-shaker, the wily Odysseus, the ox-eyed Hera. But isn't it strange how many similar, if somewhat less heroic, catch words and phrases have adhered to key officials of the Bush administration these last years. Here's my own partial list:

President George ("Brownie, you're doing a heck of a job") Bush, Vice President Dick ("last throes") Cheney, Secretary of Defense Donald ("stuff happens") Rumsfeld, then-National Security Advisor, now-Secretary of State Condoleezza ("mushroom cloud") Rice, CIA Director George ("slam dunk") Tenet, Deputy Secretary of Defense Paul ("[Iraq] floats on a sea of oil") Wolfowitz, Centcom Commander Gen. Tommy ("We don't do body counts") Franks, then-White House Counsel, now-Attorney General Alberto ("quaint") Gonzales, withdrawn Supreme Court nominee and White House Counsel Harriet ("You are the best governor ever") Miers, and most recently Dennis ("The buck stops here") Hastert.

You know a person by the company he or she keeps - so the saying goes. You could also say that you know an administration by the linguistic company it keeps; and though George Bush is usually presented as an inarticulate stumbler of a speech and news-conference giver, it's nothing short of remarkable how many new words and phrases (or redefined old ones) this President and his administration have managed to lodge in our lives and our heads.

Since September 11, 2001, the United States has been not so much the planet's lone "hyperpower" as its gunslinger in that great Western ("dead or alive") tradition that George and Dick learned about in the movies of their childhood. But fast as they've reached for their guns (and may do so again in relation to Iran after the mid-term elections), over the last years they've reached for one thing faster: their dictionaries.

And of all the words that came to their minds post-9/11, the first and fastest was an old one - "war." Within hours of the 9/11 attacks, it was already on the scene and being redefined by administration officials and supporters. We would not, for instance, actually declare war. After all, who was war to be declared on? We were simply "at war" and that was that. Since then, according to George Bush and his associates, we have either been fighting "the Global War on Terror" (aka GWOT), "the long war," "the millennium war," "World War III," or "World War IV." We not only entered an immediate state of war, but one meant to last generations, and with it we got a commander-in-chief presidency secretly redefined in such a way as to place it outside any legal boundaries.

We were, then, at war. But the first war we were "at" was a war of the words and at its heart from the beginning was the status of the people we were capturing on or near various battlefields, or even kidnapping off the streets of European cities, and exactly what we could do to them. If John F. Kennedy is remembered for saying, "Ich bin ein Berliner," perhaps when history shrinks George W. Bush to a soundbite, it will be, "We abide by the law of the United States; we do not torture." To say those words - repeatedly - he has had to mount not a soapbox, nor even the TV or radio version of a bully pulpit, but a pile of torn, trampled dictionaries.

If you don't believe me, go back and read, for instance, the infamous "torture memo" of 2002 in which the top legal minds of the Justice Department and the White House Counsel's office labored over how to define "severe" and "pain" in such a way that almost no inflicted pain in a prisoner's interrogation would ever prove too "severe." Whole sections of that document sound like they were cobbled together by a learned panel for a new edition of some devil's dictionary. ("The word 'profound' has a number of meanings, all of which convey a significant depth. Webster's New International Dictionary 1977 [2nd ed. 1935] defines profound as...").

In the end, these experts defined "torture" to suit administration needs in the following pretzled fashion: "Must be equivalent in intensity to the pain accompanying serious physical injury, such as organ failure, impairment of bodily function, or even death." And though, under pressure, the "torture memo" was finally disavowed, the President has been able to claim that "we do not torture" only by adhering to its ludicrous definitions. (Even then, this administration's interrogators have tortured prisoners.) This was in fact a typical Bush era document of shame, symbolic of the bureaucratic lawlessness let loose at the heart of our government by officials intent on creating a pseudo-legal basis for replacing the rule of law with the rule of a Commander-in-Chief.

Never has an administration rolled up its sleeves and redefined our terms more systematically or unnervingly with less attention to reality.

When a dynasty fell in ancient China, it was believed that part of the explanation for its demise lay in the increasing gap between words and reality. The emperor of whatever new dynasty had taken power would then perform a ceremony called "the rectification of names" to bring language and what it was meant to describe back into sync. We Americans need to lose the emperor part of the equation, but adopt such a ceremony. Never have our realities and our words for them been quite so out of whack.

Between August 2005, when, armed with two cheap tape recorders and a scribbled list of questions, I first met historian and activist Howard Zinn in a coffee shop and last summer, I had a chance to hang out with eleven iconoclastic thinkers and activists, all of whom were concerned with how to describe the realities of our imperial world as well as with the fate of our country. Recently, these interviews were gathered into a book, Mission Unaccomplished, Tomdispatch Interviews with American Iconoclasts and Dissenters. What follows are apt quotes from each of the interviewees - and my own brief discussions of Bush-redefined words. Think of it as a kind of call-and-response essay as well as my own modest bow to eleven engaged souls whom I admire.

Howard Zinn: "I came to the conclusion that, given the technology of modern warfare, war is inevitably a war against children, against civilians. When you look at the ratio of civilian to military dead, it changes from 50-50 in World War II to 80-20 in Vietnam, maybe as high as 90-10 today… When you face that fact, war is now always a war against civilians, and so against children. No political goal can justify it, and so the great challenge before the human race in our time is to solve the problems of tyranny and aggression, and do it without war."

Collateral Damage: It's been all collateral damage all the time from official Pentagon lips since George W. Bush launched our Afghan war just weeks after September 11, 2001 and followed it quickly with an invasion of Iraq. Wedding parties wiped out; children killed by accident; civilians murdered at places like Haditha and Ishaqi; scores of Iraqi civilians dead in the first air strikes on Baghdad (and not a single Iraqi leader killed); thousands of innocent Iraqi civilians swept up in U.S. raids and tossed into Abu Ghraib prison for endless months without charges; "terrorist safe houses" hit from the air in crowded urban neighborhoods where nearby residents simply died.

Since March 2003, over 2,700 American soldiers, over 200 troops from allied forces, and several hundred private contractors or mercenaries have died in Iraq. (Another 340 Americans have died in Afghanistan.) We have no idea how many Iraqi soldiers, insurgents, and militia members have died in that same period along with many tens of thousands of Iraqi civilians, all "collateral damage." But we do know one thing. In modern wars, especially those conducted in part from the air (as both the Iraq and Afghan ones have been), there's nothing "collateral" about civilian deaths. If anything, the "collateral deaths" are those of the combatants on any side. Civilian deaths are now the central fact, the very essence of modern imperial warfare. Not seeing that means not seeing war.

James Carroll: "The good things of the Roman Empire are what we remember about it - the roads, the language, the laws, the buildings, the classics… But we pay very little attention to what the Roman Empire was to the people at its bottom - the slaves who built those roads… the oppressed and occupied peoples who were brought into the empire if they submitted, but radically and completely smashed if they resisted at all… We Americans are full of our sense of ourselves as having benign imperial impulses. That's why the idea of the American Empire was celebrated as a benign phenomenon. We were going to bring order to the world. Well, yes… as long as you didn't resist us. And that's where we really have something terrible in common with the Roman Empire… We must reckon with imperial power as it is felt by people at the bottom. Rome's power. America's."

The New Rome: In neocon Washington, there was an early burst of pride in empire. The U.S. wasn't just, as in the 1990s, the planet's "global sheriff," it was now the mightiest power in history, an imperial goliath that put the old British Empire and possibly even the Roman one in the shade. Right-wing pundit Charles Krauthammer wrote in Time Magazine even before the attacks of 9/11: "America is no mere international citizen. It is the dominant power in the world, more dominant than any since Rome. Accordingly, America is in a position to reshape norms, alter expectations, and create new realities. How? By unapologetic and implacable demonstrations of will." Between the first of those "implacable demonstrations of will" in the fall of 2001 and Bush's "Mission Accomplished" moment in May 2003, many other pundits weighed in, embracing the idea of empire in a way that had once been taboo in this country. Fareed Zacaria of Newsweek was typical in speaking of "'a comprehensive uni-polarity' that nobody has seen since Rome dominated the world." Max Boot in USA Today wrote a piece headlined, "American Imperialism? No Need to Run Away from Label." ("[O]n the whole, U.S. imperialism has been the greatest force for good in the world during the past century.") For the liberal and squeamish, there was Michael Ignatieff in the New York Times Magazine urging us not to "embrace" imperialism, but merely to do our duty and pick up "the burden" of Empire Lite.

Five years later with the sack of Rome looking more applicable to our world than a Pax Romana, perhaps another old word should be making its reappearance: "Tyranny" ("A government in which a single ruler is invested with absolute power.") Outside the United States, the Bush administration has already set itself up as a tyranny with its private network of prisons, its secret airlines for kidnapping anyone it chooses, and its power to wage war on the say-so of no one but itself anywhere it cares to. Domestically, the picture is still mixed, but the danger signals are obvious.

Juan Cole: "[Iraq] is one of the great foreign policy debacles of American history. There's an enormous amount at stake in the oil Gulf and Bush is throwing grenades around in the cockpit of the world economy. So I think he has dug his own grave with regard to Iraq policy."

Regime Change, Shock and Awe, Decapitation, Cakewalk: Ah, Iraq. What a field of linguistic fantasy play for Bush administration officials. "Regime change" was the global order of the day, if that "axis of evil" (and perhaps 60 other nations rumored to harbor terrorists) didn't attend to us. "Shock and awe" was what we would bring to Iraq, thereby humbling the whole "axis of evil" in a single awesome rain of destruction from the skies. As the planet's most dazzling military power, we would then go on a "cakewalk" (a high-strutting dance) to Baghdad and beyond, reorganizing the whole Middle East to our taste. "Decapitation" would be what would happen to Saddam's regime.

Behind such words lay inside-the-Beltway dreams of absolute global domination, of imposing a planetary Pax Americana by force of arms. It was the sort of scheme that once would have been the property of some "evil empire" we stood against. Behind it all, for an administration deeply linked to the energy business, lay control over the oil heartlands of the planet, known to this administration as "the arc of instability." Oil, or what George Bush referred to before launching his invasion as "Iraq's patrimony," was of such interest that the only places our troops guarded in those first "post-war" days of looting were oil fields and the Oil Ministry building in Baghdad. Of course, what Bush and his friends succeeded in visiting on the region was ever-spreading chaos. Since 2001, in its own version of the rectification of names, the Bush administration has actually been creating a genuine "arc of instability" stretching from Central Asia to Lebanon. The grenades are indeed now in the cockpit.

Cindy Sheehan: "Katrina was a natural disaster that nobody could help, but the man-made disaster afterwards was just horrible. I mean, number one, all our resources are in Iraq. Number two, what little resources we did have were deployed far too late. George Bush was golfing and eating birthday cake with John McCain while people were hanging off their houses praying to be rescued. He's so disconnected from this country - and from reality. I heard a line yesterday that I thought was perfect. This man said he thinks Katrina will be Bush's Monica."

Homeland: It may be an ugly word, with overtones of Nazi Germany (and perhaps the World War II-era Soviet Union as well), but now it's ours, a truly un-American replacement for "nation" or "country." Like a number of Bush-era terms, it was lurking in the shadows before 9/11. Now, we have a homeland as well as "homeland security," and even a Department of Homeland Security, a giant and, as Katrina demonstrated, remarkably ineffective new bureaucracy. By its very name, the "Defense" Department should, of course, be our Department of Homeland Security. But its focus is now on dominating the rest of the planet (and space), so instead we have two Defense Departments, both quagmires of civilian bureaucratic ineptitude, both lucrative as anything, neither going anywhere soon. If this isn't an attempt not just to redefine American reality, but to bankrupt it, I can't imagine what is. George Bush has been our Katrina.

Chalmers Johnson: "Part of empire is the way it's penetrated our society, the way we've become dependent on it… The military budget is starting to bankrupt the country. It's got so much in it that's well beyond any rational military purpose. It equals just less than half of total global military spending. And yet here we are, stymied by two of the smallest, poorest countries on Earth. Iraq before we invaded had a GDP the size of the state of Louisiana, and Afghanistan was certainly one of the poorest places on the planet. And yet these two places have stopped us."

Footprint, Enduring Camp, Lily Pad: Call this a sampler of the euphemistic language that goes with garrisoning the planet. In the Bush years, the Pentagon has not only grown ever more gargantuan, but has come to occupy the heartlands of foreign (and increasingly domestic) policy. It has essentially displaced the State Department from diplomacy and is now in the process of displacing the CIA from covert intelligence operations. In these years, Pentagon strategists, discussing our 700+ military bases around the world, began speaking of our military "footprint" on the planet - in the singular. As an imperial colossus, it seems, only one military boot at a time could even fit on the planet.

By the time American troops entered Baghdad in April 2003, the Pentagon already had plans on the drawing boards for four massive permanent military bases in Iraq, but the phrase "permanent base" was not to be used. For a while, these were referred to, charmingly enough, as "enduring camps" (like so many summer establishments for children who had overstayed their leave). In the same way, the strategic-basing posture of this era, meant to bring deployable U.S. troops ever closer to locking down that "arc of instability," involved "lily pad" bases - the thought being that, if the occasion arose, American "frogs," armed to the teeth with prepositioned munitions, would be able to hop agilely from one prepositioned "pad" to another, knocking off the "flies" as they went. This is part of the strange, defanged language with which American leaders meant to create a Pax Americana planet.

Ann Wright: "Thirty-five years in the government between my military service and the State Department, under seven administrations. It was hard. I liked representing America. I kept hoping the administration would go back to the Security Council for its authorization to go to war… I was hoping against hope that our government would not go into what really is an illegal war of aggression that meets no criteria of international law. When it was finally evident we were going to do so, I said to myself: It ain't going to be on my watch."

Service: And what about missing words? "Service to country," such an honorable concept, was swept with "sacrifice" into Bush's dustbin of history. In response to 9/11, the President famously told Americans to sacrifice for his coming wars by leading normal lives, going shopping as usual, and visiting Disney World. The only ones capable of truly "serving" their country, as this President seems to see it, are CIA kidnappers, illegal eavesdroppers of the National Security Agency, and the interrogators who perform the tough acts of torture that have been redefined by administration lawyers as something else entirely. And yet, in these years, the ideal of service has not died. Retired colonel and State Department official Ann Wright - at present, an antiwar activist - was one of three diplomats who resigned to protest the onrushing invasion of Iraq in 2003. They have since been joined by a veritable fallen legion of government employees, who were honorable or steadfast enough in their duties or actually believed too fully in our Constitution, and so found themselves forced to resign in protest, quit, or simply be pushed off the cliff by cronies of this administration.

Someone needs to redefine the "checks and balances" of the American system. The only operative check-and-balance for most of the last five years has been one the Founding Fathers never dreamed of (because they couldn't imagine a government structure like ours) and that's been the angry, leaking, protesting members of the federal government, the intelligence community, the military, and the bureaucracy. (On the other side of that equation, no one has yet come fully to grips with, or reported decently on, the depth of the Bush purge of the government, the replacement of officials down to the lowest levels with administration pals, cronies, and ideologues.)

Mark Danner: "When you look at the record, the phrase I come back to, not only about interrogation but the many other steps that constitute the Bush state of exception, state of emergency, since 9/11 is 'take the gloves off.'"

Extraordinary Rendition, Secret Prisons, Torture: Donald Rumsfeld's "office" was calling for interrogators to take off those "gloves" in the case of the "American Taliban," John Walker Lindh, soon after he was captured in late 2001. It became a commonplace phrase inside the government (and even among the military in Iraq). Given the image, you wonder what exactly was under those gloves. Off in Langley, Virginia, according to Ron Suskind in his new book, The One Percent Doctrine, CIA director George Tenet was using a far blunter image. He was talking about "taking off the shackles" (that supposedly had been put on the Agency in the Vietnam/Watergate era).

Rendition - as in "render unto Caesar" - gained that "extraordinary" quickly indeed as the CIA began kidnapping terror "suspects" around the world and no longer rendering them to the American court system (as in the Clinton years) but to various Third World allies willing to torture them or to American "secret prisons" - a phrase that, in the previous century, would have been reserved for the Gestapo or Stalin's NKVD.

In the meantime, administration lawyers began redefining "torture," a word not normally considered terribly difficult to grasp, more or less out of existence. By the time they were done, mock drownings, an interrogation "technique" called (as if it were surfing) "waterboarding," ceased for a while to be what even Medieval Europe knew it to be: "the water torture." In no other single area, did Bush administration officials (and their legal camp followers) reach more quickly for their dictionaries to pretzel and torture the language. This represented a very specific kind of reach for power. After all, if you could kidnap or capture a man anywhere on Earth, transport him to a secret prison (or at least, as with Guantanamo, one beyond the purview of any court), and then torture him, and if it could all be redefined as within the bounds of legality and propriety, then you had captured a previously unknown kind of power for the Presidency that was as un-American as the word "homeland." Think of it this way: Those who can torture openly, can do anything.

Mike Davis: "It's clear that the future of guerrilla warfare, insurrection against the world system, has moved into the city. Nobody has realized this with as much clarity as the Pentagon… Its strategists are way ahead of geopoliticians and traditional foreign-relations types in understanding the significance of a world of slums… There's really quite an extraordinary military literature trying to address what the Pentagon sees as the most novel terrain of this century, which it now models in the slums of Karachi, Port au Prince, and Baghdad."

Preventive War: From the militarized heavens to the slum cities of the Third World, the Pentagon is doing all the R&D. It already has its advanced weaponry for 2020, 2030, 2040 on the drawing boards. It's planning for and dreaming about the future in a way inconceivable for any other part of the government. It not only has a space command, but, for the first time, a separate command for our own continent (U.S. Northcom) that is preparing for future hurricanes, future pandemics, future domestic disasters of every sort, now that our civil government, growing ever larger, handles things ever less well.

The Bush administration has elevated not just the Pentagon, but the principle of, and a belief in the efficacy of, force to the level of an idol to be worshiped. In 2002, the President suggested a new term - preventive war - which was then embedded in the National Security Strategy of the United States, a key planning document. At the time, Condoleezza Rice put the thinking behind the term this way: "As a matter of common sense, the United States must be prepared to take action, when necessary, before threats have fully materialized." This was, in fact, a recipe for waging war any time an administration cared to. No longer would the United States wait until the eve of an attack to strike "preemptively." Now, if it even occured to the President or Vice President that there was a "one percent" chance some country might someday somehow endanger us, we were free to launch our forces; and "preventive" sounded so much better than the previous term, "war of aggression." For this administration, and so for Americans, a war of aggression had preemptively been moved into the same category with preventive medicine.

Katrina vanden Heuvel: "Sometimes, though, frustration lies in the feeling that you just can't convey the enormity of, say, the Bush administration's unitary executive theory. How do you convey that no previous administration I know of has so openly, so brazenly, on so many fronts tried to subvert the Constitution, that what we're living through is a crisis that may bode the death knell of our democracy. Why aren't people jumping up and down?"

Unitary Executive Theory: This isn't a theory, but a long-planned grab for tyrannical control under the President's "commander-in-chief" powers in a carefully redefined "wartime" situation that will not stop being so in our lifetimes. This "theory" was meant to give a gloss of Constitutional legality to any conceivable presidential act. What the "unitary" meant was "no room for you" when it came to Congress and the courts. The "executive" was, as former Secretary of State Colin Powell's Chief of Staff Larry Wilkinson put it, rule by a "cabal," a cult of true believers inside the presidential bubble, impermeable to outside opinion or pressure. They were eager - when it came to torture, unlimited forms of surveillance, and the ability to define reality - to invest individuals secretly with something like the powers of gods.

Andrew Bacevich: "[W]e are in deep, deep trouble. An important manifestation of that trouble is this shortsighted infatuation with military power… There's such an unwillingness to confront the dilemmas we face as a people that I find deeply troubling. I know we're a democracy. We have elections. But it's become a procedural democracy. Our politics are not really meaningful. In a meaningful politics, you and I could argue about important differences, and out of that argument might come not resolution or reconciliation, but at least an awareness of the consequences of going your way as opposed to mine. We don't even have that argument. That's what's so dismaying."

Democracy: Since September 11, 2001, George W. Bush and his top officials have aggressively advanced into the world under the banner of spreading not stability, but democracy (at cruise-missile point). But they defined the freedom to vote (as the recent Palestinian elections showed) only as the freedom to vote as they wished the vote to go - and it generally didn't. Meanwhile, at home, the Republican Party was practicing an advanced form of gerrymandering, election financing, smear advertising, and voter-suppression tactics that made a mockery of the electoral process. Everyone was to vote gloriously, but matters were to be prepared - geographically, financially, and in terms of public opinion - so that the vote would be nothing but a confirmation of what already was. What, after all, do you call it when, in what is considered the most wide-open election for the House of Representatives in more than a decade, only perhaps 40-50 of 435 seats are actually competitive (and that's considered extraordinary). Since 1998, 98% of House incumbents have won reelection, while in the last "open" election in 1994, when a Republican "revolution" took the House in what the New York Times calls "a seismic realignment," 91% of incumbents were nonetheless reelected.

Barbara Ehrenreich: "Today, we have this even larger federal government, more and more of it being war-related, surveillance-related. I mean it's gone beyond our wildest Clinton administration dreams. I think progressives can't just be seen as pro-big-government when big government has gotten so nasty. Katrina's a perfect example of how militarized the government has gotten even when it's supposedly trying to help people. The initial response of the government was a military one. When they finally got people down there, it was armed guards to protect the fancy stores and keep people in that convention center - at gunpoint."

"Brownie, you're doing a heck of a job!": And it has been a heck-of-a-job! In both the United States and Iraq, government has become ever less effective and meaningful; the plunderers have been let loose to "reconstruct" each country; the deepest fears have been released and deep divisions exacerbated.

We all know what a failed state is - one of those marginal lands where anarchy is the rule and government not the norm. To offer but two examples: Afghanistan is a failed state, a narco-warlord-insurrectionary land where the government barely controls the capital, Kabul; Iraq is now a failed state, a civil-war-torn, insurrectionary land where the government does not even control the capital, Baghdad. But here's a term that isn't in our language: "Failed empire." It might be worth using in any ceremonies meant to bring words and reality closer together.

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Tom Engelhardt, who runs the Nation Institute's Tomdispatch.com ("a regular antidote to the mainstream media"), is the co-founder of the American Empire Project and, most recently, the author of Mission Unaccomplished: Tomdispatch Interviews with American Iconoclasts and Dissenters (Nation Books), the first collection of Tomdispatch interviews.

http://www.truthout.org/docs_2006/101006O.shtml